Evo Morales incites genocide of the Peruvian police force
This answer might of course prove appropriate for a number of other contemporary questions, as well, such as what controls the behavior of liberal democracies with market economies. Fukuyama goes on to illustrate the unsustainable nature of Chavez’ high self-esteem:
Last December, a bridge on the road connecting the Venezuelan capital to its international airport collapsed, diverting traffic into the mountains and stretching a 45-minute journey into one lasting several hours. A two-lane emergency highway now bears this traffic; renovation of the bridge is still months away. The bridge epitomizes what is happening to Venezuela today: As Chávez jets to Minsk, Moscow and Tehran in search of influence and prestige, the country’s infrastructure is collapsing.”
Métete en tu país y no te metas en el mío.” Such concerns resurfaced with the indigenous protests in the Amazon, which the Peruvian government retroactively decided had been encouraged by a letter Morales sent to the Congreso de Indígenas held in the Peruvian city of Puno at the end of May. In the letter, Morales had excused his absence from the meeting and had implied a replacement of the end of history with the following sequence: resistencia – rebellion – revolución.
The United States had also demonstrated its opposition to traditional modes of correspondence in Latin America over the years, and had preferred orchestrating coups and training death squads. Attempts to charge Morales with additional unacceptable behavior were thwarted when it was discovered that Nicaragua and not Bolivia had granted asylum to Peruvian indigenous leader Alberto Pizango; not categorized as unacceptable was Peru’s decision to grant asylum to former Bolivian ministers before they could be tried for genocide.
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